Spanish officials also endeavored to put community centers on a grid pattern, if that had not been accomplished already. However, they belonged to the realm of fantasy, of what might have been if only the Franciscans had been allowed to carry out their program unimpeded. But Jerusalem, as the locus of Christian and especially crusader fanaticism, was a special case; and the moment was a special one too, since the First Crusade had been nourished by descriptions of the Muslims as, variously, inhuman, semi-human, and an apocalyptic enemy. But it is not only difference in ethnicity and class, but also difference in gender, as Irene Silverblatt discusses, that determines forms of tradition and the manner in which they are lived and recorded. 62, 147–148, seeking successor to Guayna Capac. 4 The notion that artistic representation forms a locus for cultural, political, and/or social resistance in the Andean colonial world is a common theme in modern scholarship. Spanish common sense held women to be the moral and intellectual inferiors of men. Generally, the Nahuas’ affinity for ritual display was used to support a construction of the native person as an overly sensual, weak-willed, spiritually impoverished being more concerned with the exter10 This is not to say that secular clergy accepted Nahua Christianity. Polo’s work was first published in the Doctrina christiana y catecismo para instruccion de los indios (1985: 263–283). Green Point Green Point Claimed Review Save Share 4,133 reviews #8 of 880 Restaurants in Cusco $$ - $$$ Peruvian International Contemporary Calle Carmen Bajo … ANTUÑANO Y RIVAS, SEBASTIÁN DE 1966 Relación de la casa y santuario de la Santísima Trinidad y Santo Cristo de la Fe y Maravillas [1670]. During a period of excessive rainfall, in 1527, the friars in Texcoco led a procession with a cross and prayed for the cessation of the rain. Thus, on the central question of whether infidel or generally non-Christian rulers had the right to exercise jurisdiction, to rule and to hold property rights, important canonists could hold entirely divergent opinions (Brundage 1976: especially 121ff ). From twelve, you rest for an hour. The image has allowed for a focal point that has facilitated the ongoing pilgrimages to Copacabana that are Pre-Hispanic in origin but are now Christian in form (MacCormack 1984). .” 275 Frank Salomon The description matches Yansa Lake and its hydraulic works in all of its details.12 In this presentation, however, Concha’s witnesses recounted none of the miraculous content that dominated the yancas’ charter. The future, however, lay unequivocally with the linguistic assimilation not of the Greek element but of the Venetian one: although bilingualism continued to exist, by the sixteenth century the dominant language everywhere was Greek, and this was certainly the language of literature. Even though epidemics had ravaged the local settlements, the author(s) of this account saw this epoch as one in which the population was growing—probably a reflection of the strengthening of the town core even at the expense of outlying hamlets (Wood 1991: 182–184 and note 14). 1991 y no hay remedio [1600] (E. Prado Tello and A. Prado Prado, eds.). the abandoned boy Yasali was scared to death, being just a child, and he hid inside the place where a cross now stands in Concha Sica. Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif. MANNHEIM, BRUCE 1991 The Language of the Inka since the European Invasion. Oxford oxz 6DP Oxford University Press is a departrnenl, Sanity in the World of Darkness Game: Original World of Darkness LOCKHART, JAMES 1972 The Men of Cajamarca: A Social and Biographical Study of the First Conquerers of Peru. “Honor” shored up these brambles of colonial experience, a frame both making colonial hierarchy and making sense of it, enforcing colonial exchanges and also—within the bounds of colonial hegemony—turning them around. BARRIONUEVO, ALFONSINA 1973 Sirvinakuy: Un ensayo sobre el matrimonio de Prueba. From the second dry champa a disk was cut to serve as the lid for this hole, which formed the boat’s hold. 15).The execution motif is brocaded in its simplest form in the central figure of the seven; this creates an implicit axis of symmetry bisecting the primary, rotational axis or the seam. 26 My discussion of mercedes in relation to the use of Inka symbols by local elite is indebted to Rolena Adorno’s work on Guaman Poma (1986) and to discussions with and the publications of Carlos Espinoza (n.d., 1989, 1995). See Pérez Bocanegra, Juan “literatures of impossible,” 386 as narrative, 278 “a nation surrounded,” 385, 386 defined, 383 modern linguistic homogeneity of Southern Peru, 383 national formation, 386 notarial records in, 95 Ollanta, religious drama, invented past, 385 phallcha song, 401, 404–407, 411, 412 flower imagery, 404, 405 principles of patterning, 411 symmetry and asymmetry, 406, 411 transcription of, 404 as politically subordinate language, 383 speakers, 404 Queda, town of, 347 two statues of Christ, 347 Quetzalcoatl, 159 Quiché lords. Michoacan was the homeland of the Tarascan empire west of the Basin of Mexico, and both it and Meztitlan were independent of the Aztec empire (Barlow 1949; Berdan 1992; Gibson 1971).Thus, de Witte equated Moctezuma with the leaders of two equivalent autonomous states rather than with two rulers within his own domain. Photograph © Macduff Everton. LEES, SUSAN H. 1989 On Irrigation and the Conflict Myth. genera un ambiente acogedor para venir en familia. Petrumiacobum Petrutium, Perugia. As historian Charles Gibson (1975: 321) has noted, the memory they contain “might be misguided or deliberately contrived to support a claim.” James Lockhart (1991: 42) concurs that territorial claims are usually inaccurate and “in some sense deliberately falsified” (though he also believes that they were made primarily for local Indian consumption) (1991: 44). The papers in this volume, however, are meant, among other things, to suggest that there is a growing variety of approaches and aims in Latin American colonial studies that, I believe, will make it an increasingly polemical area of study (see, for example, Rabasa, Sanjinés, and Carr 1996). Most of the musical instruments and the music played upon them were of European style. SPANISH INTEREST Spanish attitudes had much to do with the vigor of the manuscript painting tradition. 274r. .”; similarly ibid. The motif of Thupa Amaru quartered by horses (see Fig. Thus, these subsequent historical narratives continued the “arguments” begun by their mid-century predecessors. Years passed and, beginning in 1670, a resident by the name of Antonio León began to worship the image. INCOMPATIBLE TRADITIONS Yet, neither was it possible to let go of these memories. 26b One of a pair of aquillas from the Atocha, before 1622. Somewhere along the line, this third lineage must have intermarried with the town founder’s descendants, for one of its members would claim in his testament of 1715 to be the great-great-grandson of the town founder. 1984 Household Organization in the Texcocan Heartland: The Evidence in the Codex Vergara. They are objects that, whatever happens to them, are perceived to belong in an inherent way to their original owners . Colonial practice, being considered neither arcane nor dangerous, called for no such key to decipherment; one need only keep a watchful eye for the resurgence of those ancient idolatries. In conceptual terms, the trading privileges created within the Byzantine Empire a group of foreigners who not only worked in advantageous circumstances but were also removed from imperial, state authority because they received special exemptions, that is, extraterritorial concessions: primarily, fiscal exemptions and judicial privileges that removed them from the jurisdiction of the courts of the host country. University of Texas Press, Austin. and ritual procedures that were performed throughout the year, were dissolved into lists of objects of idolatrous worship, and the rituals were outlawed. Equally important, Pachacamac continued to exercise a place in coastal imagination in the colonial period, and as I shall argue Pachacamac can be connected to the cult of El Señor de los Milagros that developed in seventeenth-century Lima around a painting of the crucified Christ. See Jarquín O. In this sense, tradition and history are dynamic elements.4 It is about this relation of the Pre-Hispanic past to the colonial present that Elizabeth Boone and I decided, in organizing the 1992 Dumbarton Oaks conference, to focus on the continuation of Mexican and Peruvian traditions, be they social, visual, or linguistic, precisely because dates and events, no matter how cataclysmic, are not total closures to the past for those to whom it matters. In his grammar, Santo Tomás includes a model speech or sermon in which the relatively few loanwords are all nouns: Dios, “God,” used repeatedly, and ángel, “angel,” caballo, “horse,” cristiano, “Christian,” and diablo, “devil”; the last is specifically referred to as a foreign word and explained (Santo Tomás 1951a: 189–207). ,” may have been preserved in memory, may have come from a fragment of a written record, or may even represent a later recreation incorporating an educated guess.25 The execution of dates in the illustrations (Figs. To put this in perspective, imagine if the Library of Congress and all the rest of our libraries, archives, and repositories were destroyed, and interstellar archaeologists were to try to piece together our history and literary tradition from a telephone directory, a tide table, a comic book, and a few Civil War monuments. Colonial ironies, nevertheless, deeply inscribed nativist family values: women’s virtue could only be celebrated at gendered costs—costs anchored in the very ideologies and practices of Spanish conquest that Indianists so vehemently repudiated. Kroeber Anthropological Society Papers 25: 111–128. AND TRANS.) Études Mesoamericaines 7. They begin with domestic existence during the cold months of January and February (Figs. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Native women were not the sole object of his piercing attacks; Spaniards—the entire colonial entourage, and priests in particular—were chastised for bringing iniquity to the Andean world. MURRA, JOHN V. 1975 Las etnocategorías de un khipu estatal. Photograph courtesy of H. B. Nicholson and Wayne Ruwet; now in the Jay L. Kislak Foundation holdings, Miami Lakes, Florida. 11 Calendar for the month of November from the Missale Romanum (1560). (Pizarro 1968: 579) The second is the opinion of one of Peru’s most famous churchmen, the Jesuit José de Acosta. Purity of food, of clothing, of habits, and tradition oriented Indianism’s design for living. In the colonial period, textiles (both European and native) came to function at a mutual level of commodity value,11 and at other levels they continued to be valued separately according to Spanish sumptuary laws and Andean symbolic use.12 In Mexico that commonality is more immediately recognized in the colonial co-mingling of Mexican pictorial and Spanish written traditions (see 10 Although Thomas (1991) discusses colonialism and material culture in the South Pacific, his analysis of objects as being dynamic, “promiscuous,” within the negotiations of colonial relations that suppose no uniform interests (be they European or native) (p. 205), allows those working in colonial Latin American studies to do away with the extremely misleading term “syncretism.” As a concept in colonial studies, “syncretism” creates a static and uniform definition of cultural relations between natives and Europeans that impedes both theoretical and specific (ethnohistoric) study. Colegio Salesiano, Lima. University of Texas Press, Austin. 189 Elizabeth Hill Boone nesses testified that Temascalapa had always been independent until recently. Notice the speech scrolls indicating that she is speaking to one patient and that another is calling out to her. THOMPSON, JAMES WESTFALL 1928 Feudal Germany. AGN T 2860, 1, cuad. It seems to me that in terms of the contact of western Europeans and other peoples in the Middle Ages, we have a variety of responses to European intrusion: from a basically unchanged fabric of native societies (the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem), to economic adaptation, to a certain degree of cultural integration, to, finally, annihilation. Although he gave supremacy to Moctezuma, Cortés did mention other important cities and provinces in the Basin of Mexico. HARVEY, H. R. 1966 The Codex of San Cristóbal and Santa María: A False Techialoyan. In Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philology ( James Lockhart, ed. 216 Stephanie Wood Fig. Pomar, Zurita, Relaciones antiguas ( Joaquín García Icazbalceta, ed. 1995 Colonial Visions: Drama and Art Legitimation of the Colonial Power Structure in Peru and Ecuador. In Writing without Words: Alternative Literacies in Mesoamerica and the Andes (Elizabeth H. Boone and Walter Mignolo, eds. When the Yaxkukul document was offered as evidence in 1793 in support of a claim to hidalgo status, the court judged it inauthentic, and judging from vocabulary and orthographic practice, I am inclined to agree (Karttunen 1985: 53–54, 104). . 433 Frances Karttunen texts.Why would communities invest in documents that would not stand up in court? These documents, dating after 1550 and indicating that the three cities individually or collectively were preconquest cabeceras (using the Spanish terminology), derive from a particular set of conditions in New Spain. Nevertheless, without some further analysis using a different approach, the documents do not reveal why this specific triadic organization was created in the native historical traditions. Siglo Veintiuno, Mexico. Not surprisingly, the two song texts exemplify substantially different rhetorical strategies, approaching the place of European Christianity in an Andean world in very different ways. We ask your permission to keep on irrigating according to our custom. 17: 51–52). Madrid. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles. With the natives of Brazil there occurred the reverse of what happened in Peru. 49 James Lockhart BIBLIOGRAPHY BAKEWELL, PETER J. ): 339–355. 1955 El movimiento Nacional Inca del siglo XVIII. From our foundation in the precontact period, we saw opportunities for greater understanding if we reached across the traditional “divide” of the invasion and conquest and looked at the PostColumbian world.The focus would remain on indigenous cultures, but it would be directed toward these cultures in their newly changed, postconquest environments. late 16th century]. This record was first described by Cieza de León, some fifteen years after the invasion. Doctor Avila’s first experiment in repressive social research was an intelligence inquiry that left as a byproduct the Quechua manuscript of Huarochirí [ca. The Augustinian chronicler, Ramos Gavilán (1988), recounts not only the history of these paired Pre-Hispanic huacas but how they were replaced by the next sacred image: the sculpture of the Virgin of Copacabana. LAMONTE, JOHN L. 1940–41 The Significance of the Crusaders’ States in Medieval History. 166 Pictorial Documents and Visual Thinking in Postconquest Mexico Tlilacin; there all three Aztec noblemen died. 2 vols. 1994 Representation in the Sixteenth Century and the Colonial Image of the Inca. Nevertheless, Spanish gendered practices—inscribed in colonial law, religion, customs, and expectations—took their toll. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. 6, title 1, law 36 (vol. 29r]).24 The term Hatun pocuy appears in Guaman Poma, as well as in Polo and authors who copied from him, as the Inka name of February.This is one of the several discrepancies in colonial descriptions of the Inka months that can be accounted for by the fact that the Inka lunar months did not fully correspond to the months of the Christian calendar. (ED.) Spaniards studied the Inka past as a matter of political or antiquarian interest, but they could not, in the last resort, identify with this past in the same way as an Andean person would. SIMPSON, LESLEY BYRD 1982 The Encomienda in New Spain.The Beginning of Spanish Mexico. University of Texas Press, Austin. See also mita system “extirpation” of the Inka lineage, 57 as judge at the Charcas royal court, 60 understanding of the Andean system, 58 Matlatzinca, 219 Matrícula de Tributos. Don Carlos proclaimed himself tlatoani of Texcoco following the death of the incumbent, his putative brother (Gibson 1964: 170). A song for Easter morning that represents the churchyard as a garden, the women and men marching in procession transformed into native species of flowers and trees, with angels circling above in the form of tropical birds, is reading the Resurrection as a transformative infusion of sacred presence into the ritual locus (Sahagún 1583: 59r–60r, 61r–61v). . One of the most resented measures taken by Toledo, with Matienzo’s connivance, had prohibited forwarding on appeal to the peninsula of Andean cases heard at the Charcas court.Thousands of pages and transcripts of cases pending 8 Details in legajo 844A of Escribanía de Cámara, Archivo General de Indias, Seville. 1971 Las informaciones de Cristóbal de Albornoz: Documentos para el estudio de Taki Onqoy. These proceedings probably echo similar supplications made upon first contact and probably again at mid-century during the formation of relaciones geográficas, or regional geographical surveys, made at the demand of the king. 8). Bruce Mannheim and Frances Karttunen show how much language continues to be an armature for Indian identity from the sixteenth century to the present. In Cuzco, for example, an underground channel went from the ushnu, the receptacle for sacrificial chicha and other offerings in the main square, to Coricancha, the temple of the Sun. Antigua Librería Robredo, de José Porrúa e Hijos, Mexico City. Guaman Poma himself mentioned this practice: Until this day they do it and follow it in sowing the crops, in what month and what day and what hour, and at what point, where the sun goes.They look at the high mountains, and in the morning [they look for] the light and ray which the sun marks in the window. Biblioteca de Autores Españoles. Similarly, a dispute in Metepec, in the same vicinity, in the 1640s may have spawned the Códice de Metepec. Later, a document of the Cabildo of Lima of October 27, 1718, states that during the regime of the Count of Monclova, and at his expense, the wall was reinforced with lime and bricks (Vargas Ugarte 1966: 157–163; AGI Lima 537). 25a One of a pair of aquillas from the Atocha, before 1622. Rhetoric and media from the courtroom were themselves re-voiced to confirm what law itself had once problematized, namely, the conviction that legitimate rights to water depend on ritually perpetuating the bond with the lake’s sacred personages. KARTTUNEN, FRANCES E. 1982 Nahuatl Literacy. Instituto de Ciencias Antropológicas, Jujuy. Other footprints walk from place sign to place sign around the outer edges of the map, establishing the boundaries of Cuauhtinchan’s territory. ): 283–299. In the second part of his treatise, however, Motolinía 243 The Aztec Triple Alliance (1970, pt. Europeans could build on societies structured somewhat similarly to their own and hence draw greater economic benefit from them. Those who survived were assimilated, and their culture was supplanted by the western European culture that was brought in by the German church. In another document conceding a similar coat of arms to the kuraka Juan Ayaviri de Sacaca, the kuraka presents himself to Philip II thusly: Yten. Fig. 410 A Nation Surrounded Of primary importance is that the same principles of patterning are involved in the composition of the textile as in the phallcha song. . Whether they were put into practice depended considerably on the numerical and political strength of the native peoples in question. 8 9 368 Christian Pageantry and Native Identity in Early Colonial Mexico Through these elaborate performances of Christian piety, Nahuas were publicly representing themselves as converted people and thus, in a sense, acquiescing to their status as colonial objects. 1–3 published by Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, vols. In 1930 she worked as one of Benjamin Lee Whorf ’s three informants for Milpa Alta Nahuatl. The upheaval of the conquest and the extirpation of idols burnt through great portions of the manuscript corpus, and it forever destroyed the vigorous religious genre. 2, 3). Similarly, the títulos of San Bartolomé Capulhuac include a fuller Nahuatl version (AGN T 2860, 1, cuad. With its portraits of the author, the pope, and the king of Spain, so begins one of the most significant objects of colonial Andean intellectual production. 13) presents in brief the line of ownership of these properties, be27 Glass and Robertson (1975: 184) give a brief description of the manuscript and locate it in eastern Tlaxcala; see Anaya Monroy (1965: 48, 72, 166–167, map opp. See also painted testimonies; pictorial documents; Quechua: notarial records documentary power of, 193 keeping of, 434 pictorial records, authenticity of, 193 Relaciones geográficas, 208, 234, 238, 252 religious expression, controlling of, 375. Andeans bristled when they were called perro indio (Indian dog) by Spaniards. In Travel and Travellers of the Middle Ages (Arthur Newton, ed. These were the “sons” and heirs of Pawllu Thupa, the one Inka “prince” to make peace, early and openly, with the Europeans. There has been a shift in scholarly attention away from the large-scale, formal, colonial institutions and toward the everyday business of the Indian community; this volume reflects this shift. Stanford University Press, Stanford, Calif. MACCORMACK, SABINE 1985 “The heart has its reasons”: Predicaments of Missionary Christianity in Early Colonial Peru. Tradition therefore exists within these objects as part of their essential character as gifts passed from one generation to the next, and although the giving is recorded here within the context of a European-style will, such objects existed already within the network of Andean gift exchange before the Spaniards invaded (Murra 1962; Cummins n.d.a). FOUCAULT, MICHEL 1972 History, Discourse, and Discontinuity. Such linguistic evidence as we have, however, turns out not to point in that direction at all. Public exchanges became testing grounds, arenas to verify social position in a society where boundaries were often fuzzy: indios could become mestizos; mestizos might pass for españoles; elite Indians were in a status limbo as privileged members of the colonized caste (Spalding 1974: 31–126, 147–196). When Tenochtitlan fell to the Spanish, Tlatolatl spirited this heavy idol out of the city and took it to the house of Oquicin, the ruler of Azcapotzalco, for safety; at the time, Oquicin and a principal named Tlilacin were the guardians of four other idols: those of Cihuacoatl, Telpochtli, Tlatlauhque Tezcatlipoca, and Tepehua. People after 1992 are thinking differently about ethnicity, cultural change, and power than they did before 1992. The documents are in a practiced hand and follow mature conventions; the only conclusion one can draw is that this indigenous writer had long been in the habit of putting municipal and other records on paper in Quechua, and further that he cannot have been operating in a vacuum. PEASE, FRANKLIN 1981 Felipe Guaman Poma de Ayala: Mitos andinos e historia occidental. February by contrast was a month of cold weather, hunger, and illness, and in July, although the weather was good, people were often sick and llamas were afflicted by mange, carachi. Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl, descendant of the rulers of Texcoco, writing after 1600, cites the pictorials held by the lords of Texcoco, Huexotla, and Chalco, some of which had survived from preconquest archives and others having been painted after the conquest (Alva Ixtlilxochitl 1975–77, 1: 286, 527; 2: 242, 245). The caption reads: “Penitence and fasts of the Inka.” Similarly, the penitential processions headed by men of religious authority traversing the Andean landscape and making stations, estaciones, at the various temples of the capital evoke the penitential processions that were so regular a feature in the preaching and practice of the missionary church of early colonial Peru.26 The ashes that the Inkas “rubbed on themselves and their doors” recall the Christian custom whereby on Ash Wednesday, the first day of Lent, the priest officiating at the Mass of the day rubs a cross of ashes on the foreheads of the faithful.27 Guaman Poma’s idea that the Inkas also rubbed ash on doors perhaps reflects the story in Exodus (12: 1–13) where the Israelites in Egypt were instructed to paint their doorposts with sacrificial blood as a sign that God was to 26 See Guaman Poma’s depiction of Arequipa (1980: 1053) during the volcanic eruption of 1600, with a penitential procession carrying two crosses and a religious image traversing the main square. Editions Gallimard, Paris. 323 Sabine MacCormack Fig. From their perspective, buenas costumbres and Christian doctrine were inseparable (Doctrina 1985: 214–15, 498, 515). There could be a just war against infidels, but how could Spain condone the mistreatment of people who were so obviously Christian? Whether or not the Tira was created expressly to legitimate Tepexpan’s cabecera status in colonial times, it effectively does this by establishing for Tepexpan its separate ethnicity, its long history as an independent entity, and its relation to the royal line at Tenochtitlan. The accompanying drawing shows a crowd of acllas, chosen women of the Sun, dressed in a garb resembling that of Christian nuns, in attitudes of penitence and prayer (Fig. For there were periods, as Guaman Poma expressed it, when people should rest, by which he did not mean that they should do nothing, but rather, they have to work to weed the fields and they rest during this month [of January]. As competition increased at both the leadership and community levels in the latter half of the colonial period it is no wonder that surviving guardians would marshall whatever resources were at hand to preserve in the consciousness of future generations the heritage of the altepetl. See also, for the year 1613 and an annual cult of the dead, Duviols 1976: 287. Nota: Tu pregunta se publicará de manera pública en la página de Preguntas y Respuestas. 331 Sabine MacCormack Virgin Mary, although numerous churches had been dedicated to them by this time, have not as yet staged any meaningful entry.44 Guaman Poma’s considerable erudition in Christian hagiography and sacred iconography, which he displayed elsewhere in his Corónica (see Fig. 75 Irene Silverblatt disorder, however, ran counter to ecclesiastical law, something that Guaman Poma, who accompanied various clerics on their extirpating missions, must have been aware of. Notice also the cotton boll identifying the contents of one large bale, and placename glyphs, with some phonetic elements such as teeth for locative -tlan, forming a column at the left. and ed.) Instead, the multiple manifestations of a “Triple Alliance” in the various documents represent colonial N ORDER TO INVESTIGATE HOW 233 The Aztec Triple Alliance reconfigurations of an original Mesoamerican tripartite construction of sovereignty that conformed to Spanish as well as Aztec conceptions. 18 Notable examples are the Psalmodia christiana (Sahagún 1583), the Coloquios (Sahagún 1986), a religious drama now in the Princeton University Library (Burkhart 1991), an early-seventeenth-century Comedia de los Reyes (in Horcasitas 1974), a cycle of prayers to the Virgin (Santoral en mexicano n.d.), and some of the Cantares mexicanos (Bierhorst 1985: esp. GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, EL INCA 1968 Comentarios reales: El origen de los Incas [1609]. 13 Close-up of one coat of arms, Techialoyan Codex García Granados. Of the three, Lara’s is closest to Pérez Bocanegra’s original, though he omits verses 17–20. Fig. Many years passed before the beaterio for lay sisters became a convent, and she was frustrated several times before finally obtaining a royal cédula authorizing the creation of the Convent of the Nazarenes. Francisco de Avila, like the other extirpators of the seventeenth century, thus perceived in Andean festive display clandestine articulations of the idolatrous beliefs of the past. Texas Linguistic Forum 26. The degree of involution and the specific figures vary considerably from community to community, but the general pattern is stable across a vast area including southeastern Peru and Bolivia. Armed with this prerogative, Andean elders could pressure daughters to betroth Indian men of comparable standing. They adorn very beautifully the doors and exteriors of the temples, in such a way that there is more to admire in the adornments of a single temple in the Indies than in all the basilicas of Spain. Tepexpan, of course, asserted that Temascalapa had been a sujeto “for as long as one could remember,” that its tribute and services were paid in Tepexpan, and that it was within Tepexpan’s territory. Moreover, the gripping eyewitness accounts of events of the conquest, eclipses, earthquakes, riots, and other catastrophes to be found in the works of the sixteenth-century annalist Juan Bautista writing in Mexico City, of Tezozomoc and Chimalpahin, of the Tlaxcaltecan Juan Buenaventura de Zapata, and the anonymous annalist of Puebla—whose writings about a pirate raid on Veracruz and the strange imposter who then turned up in Puebla are included in Karttunen and Lockhart (1976)8—could hardly be better calculated for impact on readers present and future. University of Wisconsin Press, Madison. . Under the sign of Aquarius, a meal is being enjoyed at the fireside. THOMAS, NICHOLAS 1991 Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism. See also Guaman Poma de Ayala, Felipe mestizos’ burden, 72 Metepec, 208, 211, 224 Mexica, 236, 238, 249, 252, 256, 433 Mexican Revolution, 438, 440 Mexico, 363. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. LISS, PEGGY K. 1975 Mexico under Spain, 1521 –1556: Society and the Origins of Nationality. Todo muy bonito, lindo lugar acogedor y excelente servicio. 1991 Nahuas and Spaniards: Postconquest Central Mexican History and Philology. no. Glass (1975) describes and assesses the manuscripts well and gives a census; Normann (n.d.) classifies and describes the several dozen extant versions in greater detail. They were brought together at Dumbarton Oaks in October 1992 to talk and stimulate thinking about conceptions of history, about religion, social status and political position (not structure), and communication (including documentation, visual presentation, and language). The heraldic presentation of the mascaipacha connotes, within European terms, the venerable nobility of the image, and, by its placement on the plate, a sense of ancient nobility is extended to the object itself. The extirpation campaigns, like Peruvian law and church canon, divided the Andean social universe into Indians and Spaniards. Whatever earlier roots these Metepec papers might have, the existing “codex” may have emerged in the 1640s, very close to Lockhart’s estimation of their association with Stage 3 (post-1650) phenomena. The remaining figures show four birds quartering the horse (see Fig. As Elizabeth Boone (in this volume, 183) notes, most Nahua towns had their own collections of pictorials. The only writer other than Molina to capture some sense of the real nature of the celebrations during Ayarmaca Raimi and Oma Raimi was Betanzos (1987, bk. Every extant law builds into society rewards for telling a story that fits already-spoken legal facts, and disincentives or penalties for telling different stories. 67 Irene Silverblatt Churchmen perceived intrinsic connections between weak family values, heresy, and political revolt: sex, idols, and public discord made up the three prongs of the devil’s trident. In looking back over the range of Quincentennial projects, one sees a subtle but important shift in attitude and rhetoric. MEISS, MILLARD, AND MARCEL THOMAS: see Rohan Master 1973. 2 Inka month of August. 30 Three Experiences of Culture Contact: Nahua, Maya, and Quechua Three Experiences of Culture Contact: Nahua, Maya, and Quechua JAMES LOCKHART UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, LOS ANGELES I of the Western Hemisphere and Europeans, the nature and rate of cultural change on the indigenous side (change which does not usually preclude survival and continuity) seem to depend primarily on two things: first, the degree of similarity, that is, convergence, between the two cultures involved; second, the type and extent of contact between the bearers of the two cultures, for cultures can meet only through the medium of living, breathing individuals. In El alma encantada: anales del Museo Nacional de México (Fernando Benítez, ed. Motolinía (1951: 99–100) characterized the 1524/25 New Year’s Eve strike against the priests and idols of the temple compound in Texcoco as only “the first battle given the devil.” Although reports of the destruction of temples and idols do not specify that manuscripts were also targeted,15 one can presume that any manuscripts found in the temples would perish along with the idols. In the case of legal documents, the strangers would be judges in high courts of appeal or even the Spanish ruler. And for you, madame, Mama María Capyama. They have contributed articles to the present volume, and they have also trained some of the other scholars whose work is represented here; moreover, their work has set the stage for the new focus on colonial-era indigenous culture. These, like some of the testimonies I mentioned earlier, were singular in purpose; they were fashioned to give evidence. Revista de Indias 48: 693–714. Universidad Nacional de San Marcos, Lima. 15: 322–400. Also, the Techialoyan-like manuscript of Santiago Capulhuac (not the títulos of San Bartolomé Capulhuac) was transcribed in 1683–84 (AGN T 180, 3). During Peru’s first decades, civil wars racked the Andes as Spaniard fought Spaniard over the sweep of royal power and settlers’ rights to native labor and resources; the rebellious descendants of the Inkas, with redoubts in the Vilcabamba valley, spurred guerrilla attacks on colonists and trade routes until the execution of the “last” Inka king in 1572; and after three decades of colonial presence, evangelists were astounded by the millenarian designs they had uncovered among their central highland disciples: nativist religious movements with goals to expel Spaniards and their gods from Peruvian soil (Millones 1973, 1990; Stern 1982: 51–62; Kubler 1963).Yet, perhaps most threatening to the colonial enterprise were the unintended consequences of conquest: epidemic diseases (small pox, measles, and 64 Family Values in Seventeenth-Century Peru influenza) brought from Europe, against which Spaniards enjoyed some immunity and Indians none, swept through indigenous settlements, devastating their numbers (Cook 1981). 1600. In Colección de libros y documentos referentes a la historia del Perú 3. The indigenous painted histories, the genealogies, and the community mapas held the necessary evidence for ethnicity, territory, and political independence through time. 15, 73b).37 When, on the other hand, Guaman Poma and many of his Christian contemporaries remembered Inka festivals, the social and political context in which they placed such non-Christian ritual action was a very different one. Contribution of Huejotzingo toward Nuño de Guzman’s expedition. Telos Press, St. Louis, Mo. But the specific configuration of images and epithets in the hymn has an unmistakable strangeness within the European tradition, evoking the fecundity of the Virgin Mary, praising her as the source of agricultural fertility, as a weaver of brocades, and identifying her systematically with the celestial objects of female devotion in the Pre-Columbian Andes: the moon, the Pleiades, and the dark cloud constellation of the llama and her young (see the epithets and images listed below). In general, women were blamed for societal failures (e.g., 1980: 162, 205, 207, 413–414, 421, 474, 566, 800, 801, 816, 896, 1019–1020). 1991 The Cosmic Conquest: Late-Colonial Views of the Sword and Cross in Central Mexican Títulos. 1, pt. A focus on exterior things signified a lower form of religion, but it was appropriate to certain, inferior, categories of people: the Council of Trent recommended that the religion of the common people center on external cult rather than internal faith, on the assumption that this would help to inure them against Protestant heresies (Uchmany 1980: 20). (Surely many of the peoples of Asia, Africa, and Europe were foreign to one another, even unknown to one another, but they shared things as basic as iron, the horse, and disease microbes; and however distant they might be, a continuum of social and cultural contact across the vast expanse of the Old World had existed unbroken from prehistoric times.) . . A former town governor disputed the election of a “commoner” (macehual), named Felipe Carrillo, in 1642. The very different occupations and ranks given to a figure such as Don Pedro de Ahumada seem to suggest a process of borrowing more strongly than one of mass production (unless mass production had reached the devious point at which variation was consciously inserted— unlikely, given the failure to disguise obvious similarities in the pictorial portions of the Chalco titles, for example). 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